5 Surprising Capitalization The Politics Of Privatization In Bolivia, by Juan Carlos De Vincenzo Santiago Guzman What’s The Story? The story of Bolivia’s economic crisis erupted as the country faced a budget surplus of $4.2 billion shortly after independence in 1980; with a population boom of 15 million, the situation was difficult and a recession was unavoidable. Since then, investment had come to a halt. To deliver this, Bolivia adopted a national investment programme; to stimulate growth, the government doubled the rate of growth annually. That has been on the rise ever since.
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But, it has drawn the ire of Venezuela, but it has not met its obligation to create jobs. Venezuela has resisted using its national banking system for domestic banks, with public authorities taking care that nationalised private banks only meet the minimum number of required loans of the nation’s 50 million people. In a move that threatened to further weaken local business owners, the government rolled out subsidies to local exchange market banks, effectively removing bank branches among customers. This has, to date, ended the existence of private banks, and so that a smaller, but still smaller interest paid on a fraction of the interest paid on its banks. Today, with Venezuela as the top economy in the world, the pressure on banks to repay these borrowed money reflects the uncertainty in its character and sustainability.
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The government is already moving on policymaking. Once those economic sanctions ended, there was no political gain from a sovereign debt crisis. Both the government and the opposition opted to make broad reforms. For those in favor, governments will need to find ways to allow more public debt to be paid. Opposition and protesters will need to improve their conditions for the people, to make more concessions, and not only to advance the interests of their own pocketbook.
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While Venezuela in the 1970s was booming, President Hugo Chávez continued to fight corruption and corruption when it came to the rule of law and human rights. The opposition opposition won elections in 2009 and 2012, but did not garner enough support to hold a second presidential election. Before the election Chávez was able to secure 100 seats for his favoured “Yes” party (the Zetas party). His party fared poorly in national opinion polls while he was in office and the PSUV government refused to support him. Venezuela’s opposition was divided into opposition factions, both right-wing and left-wing, and national leaders were sometimes elected by popular vote.
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Most importantly, site were the same groups from which the popular vote was drawn two decades earlier. The Zetas party, fighting corruption in what may have been its last election, alienated large masses of new voters. The PSUV, now called the National Front Party, campaigned to regain the support of many of the old hardcore that, for many years, had supported Mr Chávez. This would only help consolidate his campaign since opponents accused him of corruption and he dismissed them as mere “poemen” from the right and left. The PSUV’s support eventually dwindled, but this was clearly due in part to regional party and local leaders who opposed Mr Chade but then called to let him go; this resulted in a rise in the national right, and very vocal opposition.
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With support dwindling or falling, Opposition parties (including the PSUV, according to the 2015 election exit polls) that turned to street action took all sides to win the next presidential election. Through peaceful protests and a series of street meetings,
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